In his weekly radio address on Saturday, President Barack Obama said
that "we cannot allow the thirst for reckless schemes that produce
quick profits and fat executive bonuses to override the security of our
entire financial system and leave taxpayers on the hook for cleaning up
the mess." A day earlier, Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner told the New
York Times that "you don't want people being paid for taking too much
risk."
So now the administration wants to control the pay of employees of banks and Wall Street investment firms.
Kenneth Feinberg, the administration's
"pay czar," is being tasked to oversee employee compensation at firms
that took bailout money from the government's Troubled Asset Relief
Program (TARP). The Federal Reserve will require thousands of bank
holding companies and state banks to submit their compensation plans
for approval.
The administration has it wrong. It
wasn't reckless schemes and excessive risk that sunk banks and Wall
Street; it was excessive leverage. And thanks to cheap money and twisty
regulations, risk was extremely undervalued. Banks owned huge
portfolios of real-estate loans and mortgages specifically because
they, and regulators, didn't think they were taking much risk at all.
Outlaw pay and pay will only go to those outside the reach of the law
Populist pay limits are squarely aimed at Wall Street, not local
banks, yet for the most part Wall Street doesn't take much risk. Highly
profitable investment banking and sales and trading are agency
businesses, doing work for customers for a fee. Of course bad trades
happen, and there are the rare rogue traders like Barings' Nick Leeson,
who hid losses and sunk the firm, or Jérôme Kerviel, the young trader
who lost $7 billion for the French bank Société Générale. But Wall
Street firms are quite good at managing day-to-day trading risk.
The unwritten deal between public Wall Street firms and their
shareholders is that employees get half of revenues as compensation.
Yes, half. Shareholders, after expenses of phone calls and computers,
get the rest, usually around 20%. In other words, Wall Street is a 70%
profit-margin business. And Goldman Sachs, with the help of 0% interest
rates, continues to knock the cover off the ball.
As competition and electronic trading
ate into the agency businesses and profits in the early 2000s, the
firms redirected their capital to invest in mortgage-backed securities,
pocketing the 2%-3% difference between mortgage rates and their cost of
short-term capital. This was the easy trade, the safe trade—not a
"thirst for reckless schemes."
Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers, Morgan Stanley, Citigroup, Merrill
Lynch, Goldman Sachs and others believed the mortgage-backed security
was the low-risk investment, and so it couldn't hurt to use
leverage—i.e., borrow far more than the capital they had on hand, 20
times or even 30 times as much, to make additional investments in these
securities. The firms raised huge sums of money—from other banks,
money-market and mutual funds—so they could multiply 2%-3% gains into
those large 70% profits and compensation. It wasn't risk but leverage
that did in the financial system. Without that leverage, we'd have had
an investment-banking profit crisis, not a credit crisis.
Yet if politicians still insist on limiting pay, there are only a few ways to do it:
• Limit risk? Good luck defining it. Great traders know
that what looks low risk is often the scariest trade. You can't
legislate market smarts.
• Pay Caps? So do you limit executive pay to $250,000? $1 million? $100 million? Who picks, how, and what are the effects? Not all Wall Streeters are equal. If oil trader Andrew Hall can't
get paid $100 million after making Citigroup shareholders money, he is
going to set up shop across the street and do it himself. Sure, he'll
have to scrounge for his own capital, and maybe not borrow as much. But
to evade the regulators' pay handcuffs, people will simply not work for
a regulated company. Outlaw pay and pay will only go to those outside
the reach of the law—whether they move to a hedge fund in Greenwich,
Conn., or to an investment banking firm in London.
• Raise the cost of insurance? After overextending
themselves with excess leverage while doing supposedly low-risk trades,
Wall Street firms and banks got bailed out by a combination of low-cost
capital from the Treasury, guaranteed debt by the Fed, and deposit
insurance by the FDIC. It is clear in hindsight that Wall Street and
banks have been underpaying for the twin pillars of the Fed as lender
of last resort and the FDIC to limit bank runs. And so, yes, it is time to find a
formula that adequately values that risk and charges Wall Street firms
for this bailout insurance. There are market mechanisms today, in the
form of derivatives, that price the risk of doing business with
specific firms. Transparency is what will let the Fed and the FDIC use
the market to protect the market. If done right, the increased costs
will eat into the employees 50% take and therefore limit compensation.
But the knee-jerk reaction—to squeeze "greedy Wall Streeters" who
nearly sunk the economy—is misguided.